ESN 5th Anniversary (Part 3): Nworu States That Imo State Has Become Southeast’s Organ-Harvesting Headquarters Since Hope Uzodimma’s Supreme Court Facilitated Ascent

Bremen, Germany – December 17, 2025

In his ESN’s 5th Anniversary speech, Mazi Chinasa Nworu described an imminent security narrative war against the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the Eastern Security Network (ESN).

Speaking on December 12 on Radio Biafra, Nworu warned that the Nigerian state is preparing to launch another phase of blackmail against ESN and IPOB in what he called “separatist kidnapping.”

“Tomorrow, expect the Nigerian government to resort to SEPERATIST KIDNAPPING to launch another phase of blackmail against ESN and IPOB,” Nworu said, insisting the public should understand the pattern in advance.

According to him, staged visuals and coerced confessions would follow, deployed to retroactively justify accusations.

“When they begin to make videos again, understand they are doing what we have explained here. Look at what is happening at Tiger Base where these atrocities are being committed. This is why kidnappings are on the rise in Imo State.”

Nworu methodically gave a breakdown of the crime of kidnapping, insisting that clarity is essential for the truth to survive.

In a deliberate effort to “educate the world” and, by implication, “exonerate IPOB/ESN,” his analysis dismantled the lazy conflation of IPOB with crime in the South-East.

He agreed that “Yes, IPOB is a separatist movement, we accept that, we are asking to leave Nigeria under our right to self-determination.”

But he argued that separatism does not equal criminality, and that precision matters when lives are being lost and narratives weaponised by a government that has failed in it’s responsibility of protecting lives and properties, and has refused to conduct credible investigations.

He identified three distinct forms of abduction.

First, criminal kidnapping, which he described as not ideologically driven, but instead profit-driven and transactional. In this category, the victim is the commodity, exchanged for money or valuables.

In a chilling addition, Nworu referred to crimes in parts of Biafraland, captives can become “expendable,” killed and subjected to organ harvesting.

He stressed that this phenomenon is not unique to the South-East, citing comparable criminal markets elsewhere.

Second, ideological or separatist kidnapping, which he described as symbolic rather than commercial.

“This is where the abduction has an ideological coloration and is done to project strength or engage in propaganda against a state actor.”

Drawing examples from global insurgent groups, Nworu said such abductions target figures of political value to extract concessions, conduct prisoner swaps, or broadcast strength.

“For instance, radical Islamic terror groups like Boko Haram, ISID etc capturing soldiers and executing them or using them as bargaining chips for either prison swap or something politically or ideologically significant.”

“The victims are symbolic and are not exchangeable for monetary valuables,” he explained.

Third, political abduction, which he described as the hallmark of state power turned coercive.

“This is the kind of abduction mostly done by state actors against dissidents figures.”

As his primary example, he cited “the abduction of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu by the Nigerian government,” a case he insists fits the definition squarely.

Having drawn these distinctions, Nworu turned the lens back on IPOB and ESN.

“Can you tell us, judging from the dexterity of the crimes in Biafraland and the capabilities of IPOB/ESN, if we have been involved in any of these criminal schemes?” he asked.

His argument was blunt: if IPOB possessed both ideological motivation and operational capacity, and if kidnapping were part of its playbook, “would we not have abducted symbolic figures to achieve certain goals with the government?”

His answer was unequivocal. “Of course we do possess those capabilities, but the IPOB movement and the Eastern Security Network do not and will not engage in such, for they are not part of our strategies or objectives.”

Nworu accused security forces of facilitating criminal kidnappings, particularly in Imo State.

“The military and police usually remove the headgear of AK-47 rifles before giving them to Fulani herdsmen to kidnap people,” he reiterated, explaining that serial numbers are engraved on those parts.

“So when these guys are killed or caught, the rifles cannot be traced back to the government. This is what happens in Imo State.”

This shocking revelation aligns with accounts from a wide range of sources including terrorists, government officials, security experts, and victims who consistently report that abductors keep them next to army barracks, and use security checkpoints to collect ransom.

Further reinforcing the allegation, just two days after the revelation, suspected terrorists arrested by Nigerian troops in Kwara State reportedly confirmed the allegation, confessing that officials of the Kwara State government supplied them with vehicles and weapons to carry out terror attacks in the state.

Nworu in his speech, also questioned regulatory failures around mortuaries, urging Southeast governors to scrutinise who licenses and operates them.

“The Southeast governors must pay attention to the licensing of owning and operating mortuaries in our land.”

“Mortuaries are supposed to be controlled by hospitals, but that is not the case in our land,” he said, tying this lapse to the broader ecosystem of organ trafficking.

At the centre of Nworu’s indictment was Imo State and its current political leadership.

“What I am trying to explain is the level of criminality in Imo State since Hope Uzodimma was forced on the people of Imo State, and the mainstream media has enabled it” he said, directly linking the surge in violence to Uzodimma’s criminal victory right from his first tenure “from fourth to first position, courtesy of the Nigerian Supreme Court.”

In a shocking revelation, Nworu declared: “Imo State has become the headquarters of organ harvesting in the Southeast,” pointing at the level of kidnapping and disappearances of people.

“People must ask, what was the work of Hope Uzodimma before he joined politics. This will help you understand the level of criminality now taking place in Imo State.”

He drew attention to Nigeria’s mainstream media and their selective silence, arguing that media outlets such as Nation Newspaper, quick to blame IPOB for insecurity have refused to report on revelations surrounding Tiger Base, a security agency which he repeatedly described as an “abattoir” of state violence.

“Even newspapers that thrive on blaming IPOB for every crime cannot report the Tiger Base exposure,” he said. “How many media houses are reporting what is happening in Imo State? They are ashamed.”

Nworu disclosed that, the Nigerian state, unsettled by the sentencing of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and by growing scrutiny of security agencies, is preparing to escalate destabilisation through staged kidnappings.

“Even as we speak, the Nigerian government is planning to start another phase of kidnapping in our land since the sentencing of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. This is why IPOB is today exposing these evil plots before they begin to happen.“

Nworu’s message was stark: the struggle is no longer only about defence in the forests, but about pre-empting narratives, naming crimes precisely, and confronting the emerging architecture of state-enabled criminality. Clearly, the objective remains the same: survival, truth, and self-determination.